Steadfast
Contents
- issue 17 Summer 2006
Steadfast Demo 
England: the mother of modern sport - Robert Henderson
Letters 
Progress for the English Community - Tony Linsell 
Birds of the Seashore - Edward Canfield 
The Legacy of William Barnes - Don Briggs 
Law & Democracy - Lawrence Middlehurst
Law
and democracy - the English way
Lawrence Middlehurst - Part Two
The
Norman Conquest was an unqualified disaster for the English people.
Everyone took at least one step down in status, with all the economic
hardships which that implied: English nobles were deprived of their
lands which were given to the Conqueror's followers as their reward
for their part in William's 'enterprise'; the ceorls were reclassified
as serfs together with freed slaves. But the radically altered situation
of English womenfolk offers one of the most dramatic illustrations of
the general loss of status and freedom for the English.
In his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Gibbon remarks of Continental
Germanic womanhood: "The Germans treated their women with esteem
and confidence, consulted them on every occasion of importance
respected
them as the free and equal companions of soldiers." This did not
change with the settlement of England and was the same before the Normans
came. A tiny but significant indicator of the equality of the sexes
is the Anglo-Saxon word 'mann'; this meant not 'a person of the masculine
sex' but simply 'a person' whether male or female. This makes nonsense
of the current fad for the ugly and ungainly word 'chairperson' since
that is what a chair-mann already is.
Women in Old English times could own their own properties, run businesses,
represent themselves in court and divorce unilaterally, the latter at
least until the Christian church forbade it, though whether all English
men and women obeyed the church in this is open to question. Many of
the old traditions, including the right to divorce, were upheld in Danelaw.
Under Latin-derived Norman culture and law, which is often mistakenly
thought to be superior to pre-conquest English culture and law, Englishwomen
not only lost these freedoms but were treated in law as chattels. (Revealingly
the word chattel is derived from the Latin root for 'cattle'.) Even
the richer women were, in effect, auctioned off as wives to the highest
bidder who coveted the estates they would bring with them. Thus England's
womenfolk lost freedoms which they did not start to regain until the
end of the 19th century and the reform of marriage and property laws.
Such was the weight of the Norman yoke on English necks but, like much
else of native culture, the principles of English law and ideas of freedom
and democracy were to survive several centuries until they reasserted
themselves.
Survival
"They (the Normans)
had but little if any written law of their own; in this respect they
were far behind the English." So says the great historian of our
constitution F.W. Maitland in his 'Constitutional History of England'.
William the Conqueror did, nevertheless, have a permanent and wide-ranging
effect on our laws and government, although he at first sought to win
support and secure the throne by appearing to want continuity of laws
and customs. To this end he took the same oath at his coronation that
his predecessors had taken and in doing so promised to rule as others
had done before him. He made this promise not out of good will towards
his new subjects but out of self-interest. His claim to the throne was
at best tenuous, being through his father's sister who had been the
mother of Edward the Confessor.
One of William's early innovations was the coutrywide use of 'inquisitorial'
juries. These were not the juries we know today but bodies of twelve
men charged with obtaining information about William's newly acquired
lands. This information was compiled in what we now call the 'Domesday
Book', which was put together in two years. In both its vast scope and
the short time in which it was completed, it was a feat not equalled
anywhere in Europe until the nineteenth century - an astonishing achievement,
not for William but for the sophisticated English 'state' and the king's
writing-office which he had inherited.
He also inherited and kept in use almost all of the administrative machinery
of pre-1066 England. In addition to their legal function, the local
hundred and shire system of courts were of fundamental importance as
centres of financial, military and governmental administration. The
Witan seems to have been quite quickly replaced by the 'Curia Regis'(King's
Council), a much smaller body comprised mainly of the new king's friends
and relatives.
All the same, William was now a king of England and ruled, for continuity's
sake, in the English manner. 'Form' was all: he set out to give the
impression that he ruled by the advice and assent of his barons as previous
kings had ruled by the advice and assent of the Witan. Another precedent,
based on English practice, had been set so that one day the spirit of
the Witan would animate a new body, Parliament.
The First Two Henrys
If we exclude the undemocratic
developments of the last thirty years - undemocratic because they were
forced on our people, without even consulting them, by Euroland in collusion
with a succession of weak-kneed home-grown governments - there has been
no period of faster change in English law and government than there
was between the beginning of the reign of Henry I (1100-1135) and the
end of the reign of Henry II (1154-89).
This rapid development was founded on English institutions, laws and
ideas. Henry II in particular made shrewd and novel use of the Anglo-Saxon
'building materials' he found. An example would be his use of the Old
English concept of 'The King's Peace' to extend his own power and curb
that of the restless Anglo-Norman barons.
By Norman feudal custom every baron was entitled to hold his own 'manorial
court' of law; even some hundredal courts had fallen into their hands.
The profits of justice - fines taken for a range of offences - were
considerable. Henry II wanted those profits for himself. One of the
means he used to get his way was to reinterpret and stretch the idea
of 'The King's Peace'. In Anglo-Saxon times this had simply meant committing
an offence within the king's presence - disturbing the peace of his
household. Henry claimed that a whole range of offences committed anywhere
in England constituted breaking the king's peace for they were committed
on his property, England itself.
Henry II also re-jigged the court system, using the existing network
but appointing his own itinerant justices to preside over the courts.
These men had trained in his household and represented his interests.
Such justices had first been sent out, though only occasionally,
by Henry I.
Next he needed to pry suitors away from the barons' courts. He did this
in two ways. Firstly he used the Anglo-Saxon writ: any man claiming
he could not get justice from his manorial lord could have a king's
writ issued demanding his release into the king's courts. This was the
stick with which to beat the barons. The carrot dangled before potential
suitors was a device claimed by the king as his exclusive prerogative
- the jury.
The precedent for the use of the jury lay in the Conqueror's time but
by now they were not inquisitorial juries of the type suited to gathering
information but 'juries of presentment' in the manner of the Danelaw:
these comprised nominated groups of twelve charged with apprehending
offenders, collecting evidence and presenting both to the court. It
was an improvement on the use of oaths and ordeals in that it offered
a fairer trial for those able to pay the necessary fee.
Thus did Henry get his money and curb the barons. He limited their power
further by appointing most of his officers out of the lesser baronage
as Henry I had done. These new men were dependent on the king's patronage
and could be dismissed at a moment's notice. This was particularly the
case with the sheriffs who were rotated from county to county to ensure
whatever powers they had over matters of finance, administration and
justice could not become entrenched or corrupted.
In this period we see for the first time since 1066 the re-emergence
of a system of checks and balances that is one of the outstanding features
of law and government in England. In its rudimentary form it consisted
of:- King's courts versus barons' courts; a central system of juries
and writs v baronial law-giving; dependent king's officers v the barons;
the king himself v all of them. From this evolved a system of law and
government which prevailed until the comparatively recent transfer of
law making and judicial powers to the EU.
Juries - The political and democratic dimension.
The popularity of the jury grew rapidly, helped on its way in 1215 by
the Church's ban on the use of the ordeal. In the course of time - probably
in the thirteenth century - the 'jury of presentment' became the 'jury
of recognition' - a body made up of those who knew the contending parties
in a given case and who could bring first-hand knowledge to bear. The
'jury of recognition' by degrees became the 'jury of bystanders', strangers
who came to a case without preconceptions, thereby introducing the element
of impartiality into proceedings - that element which we most value
in a jury today and which is the best guarantee of a fair hearing.
Juries became judges of probabilities; contending lawyers for each side
constructing an interpretation of events which incorporated the known
facts, with the judge as 'umpire'. Most important of all: the jury eventually
came to be regarded as the voice of the common English people. A jury
could influence the law by disregarding aspects of law that conflicted
with notions of natural justice: for example they might see that a defendant
was technically guilty according to a given law but also believe the
law in question to be unjust. In this situation they were at liberty
to bring in a 'perverse verdict', setting the defendant free and taking
the first step towards abolishing an unjust law. Thus the jury system
enables 'the people' to challenge the power of the state. In this sense
the jury system represents an English form of justice and is a model
for the English style of democracy
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